WASHINGTON, D.C. — Chuck Schumer, the incoming Senate majority leader, has never taken on such a torrent of challenges, with the opening days of both the Biden administration and Democratic control of the Senate coming at the very moment an impeachment trial gets underway.
A 38-year veteran of Congress who first came to the Senate during President Bill Clinton’s impeachment, Schumer has one overriding mandate: Help Joe Biden become a successful president. To do so, he’ll have to leverage the narrowest possible majority — a 50-50 Senate with the incoming vice president, Kamala Harris, delivering the tiebreaking vote.
It’s a tough assignment. It’s far easier, though often unsatisfying, to be a minority leader equipped with the tools of obstruction than it is to be a majority leader armed mostly with persuasion. But the goodwill Schumer enjoys with key members, and his careful management of the party’s constituencies, could help ease the way.
“Chuck Schumer has done a remarkable job as our caucus leader the last four years holding our caucus together,” said a beaming Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., as he entered the Senate chamber during last Wednesday’s Electoral College count, speaking just before protesters supporting President Donald Trump assaulted the Capitol and the situation turned dire.
The ransacking of the Capitol has brought impeachment to the Senate’s door again and set Republicans on their heels. And it’s put a spotlight on whether the polarized chamber can process Biden’s agenda.
Take the installation of Biden’s Cabinet. The Senate has traditionally tried to confirm a batch of the most important nominees on Inauguration Day, Jan. 20, and the days thereafter. But to do so requires the cooperation of the entire Senate.
Democrats slow-walked many of Trump’s Cabinet picks four years ago after a crushing election loss, but there’s a palpable sense that Republicans may be more cooperative now, at least when confirming national security nominees and picks like Janet Yellen to run the Treasury Department.
Schumer seeks — and is used to operating in — the spotlight, whether he’s helping run the unwieldy, increasingly divided Senate, micromanaging his beloved Democratic caucus or crisscrossing New York.
Any of these is a full-time job. And they don’t always point him in the same direction. For instance, Biden is preaching bipartisanship, and Schumer wants to help, but tensions are inevitable with ardent progressives such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, an ambitious Bronx Democrat whom Schumer allies are watching closely as he runs for a fifth term in 2022.
Schumer was a force in Biden’s decision to “go big” on Thursday with a $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief and economic stimulus bill that was bigger than earlier Biden drafts. Progressives hailed the measure.
Meanwhile, the prospect of an impeachment trial in the opening days of Biden’s term adds a huge degree of uncertainty. Senate rules are unforgiving, but Schumer and McConnell are hoping to establish a dual-track process to confirm nominations even as the trial unfolds.
McConnell and Schumer have a tortured, tense relationship after years of bruising political battles and fights over Supreme Court nominees. They rarely talk spontaneously and have no hesitation in slinging barbs that earlier generations of leaders managed to avoid.
But Biden and McConnell are long-standing friends, and the Kentucky Republican — pondering a “guilty” vote in Trump’s second impeachment trial and still absorbing the disastrous Senate losses in Georgia — appears inclined to help Biden as best he can.
The events of the past week, as damaging and unsettling as they were for the country, seem likely to assist Biden and Schumer. What is more, Democratic control of the chamber comes with filibuster-proof treatment of Biden’s nominees, with only a simple majority needed, though Republicans could easily force delays.
McConnell and his Republican caucus want to “reasonably cooperate on the national security nominations,” said Hazen Marshall, a former McConnell policy aide. “His view has traditionally been that presidents deserve their staff, unless their staff are crazy or criminals.” But GOP senators are sure to drag their feet on less urgent Cabinet posts given the experience under Trump, when even former Sen. Dan Coats, R-Ind., had to endure delays.
But with the economy slipping and the public appalled by the melee in Washington, GOP resistance to Biden’s $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief package or his slate of Cabinet picks may not be as resolute.